
A couple of posts ago, I reviewed the archive Gerald Harper star vehicle, ‘Hadleigh’ at a stage where I hadn’t yet completed watching the whole series; I mentioned an episode from memory in which the suave squire visited Hong Kong, and looked forward to seeing that particular outing again, almost half-a-century on from when it originally aired, in April 1976. Well, since the last post, I’ve watched all episodes of ‘Hadleigh’ and the Hong Kong expedition did indeed figure. It even guest-starred Nancy Kwan (of ‘Suzy Wong’ fame) in a story relating to dodgy diamonds and dodgy diamond dealers, all played out in a landscape somewhat more exotic than Hadleigh’s routine Yorkshire backdrop. It seemed no expense was spared in this glossy travelogue, with the film crew milking the unfamiliar locations for all they were worth. I suppose, back then, viewers were so accustomed to the stock footage of ITC series whenever a lead character was supposed to be in a foreign field (and in reality never ventured further than Elstree) that a TV company actually filming overseas necessitated plenty pre-broadcast publicity, and there was no shortage of it in the case of ‘Hadleigh’, which is probably why the episode stuck in the memory. At the time, my knowledge of the Empire and Commonwealth was fairly sketchy, and the fact Hadleigh was abroad yet everybody spoke English didn’t strike me as odd; after all, I was used to the crew of the USS Enterprise landing on different bloody planets, yet the natives still spoke English. I reckon I must have thought only Europe was the exception to the rule.
When James Hadleigh was dispatched on his mission to the Far East, Hong Kong had precisely 21 years remaining as a British colony under the terms of the 99-year lease from China we were beholden to, yet we’re now almost 30 years away from the day it ceased to be so. Despite the Sino-British Joint Declaration of 1984, which laid out the conditions of ‘one country, two systems’ in order to reassure anxious Hong Kongers the city wouldn’t simply become another oppressed province of mainland China once the Union Jack was lowered, Beijing eventually began to flex its muscles after a surprisingly lengthy period of largely leaving Hong Kong to its own devices. The first real sign of this to receive global exposure came during the suppression of the ‘umbrella protests’ of 2014, though it was the widespread civil disobedience of five years later that laid bare the harsh realities of Hong Kong under Chinese rule. These protests were sparked by attempts to introduce a new extradition law, one which would be enacted should Beijing decide a particular individual (or groups of individuals) posed a threat to the smooth running of Hong Kong along Chinese lines; anyone earmarked as a troublemaker could be extradited to the mainland for – in some cases – a trial held behind closed doors, far from the prying eyes of the world’s media.
Despite inspiring the largest protests ever seen in Hong Kong’s history, what became known as the National Security Law (NSL) came into effect in 2020; even though the pandemic did away with the mass public dissent that was in full flow throughout the months leading up to lockdown, the new law would severely reduce Hong Kong’s autonomy further, making illegal any acts deemed to be of a seditious nature. Since its introduction, hundreds of Hong Kongers opposed to China implementing the same repressive rule of order as applies in the People’s Republic have been arrested and have disappeared from view; pro-democracy news outlets in Hong Kong have been forcibly closed, and there are outstanding arrest warrants (not to mention bounties on offer) for dissenters who have already fled overseas, way beyond China’s borders. A fair few are now living over here, and their personal experience of how far China is prepared to go in order to crush opposition is a good deal more comprehensive than the useful idiots in the British Government who gave the green light to the development of a new Chinese Embassy in London, despite numerous reservations over security. A couple of years ago, the then-British Foreign Secretary David Cameron said the NSL was a ‘clear breach’ of the handover agreement, adding ‘the law’s continued existence and use is a demonstration of China breaking its international commitments. It has damaged Hong Kong, with rights and freedoms significantly eroded. Arrests under the law have silenced opposition voices.’
The latest extension to the NSL comes in the form of Hong Kong authorities now being able to demand private passwords on computers or phones from anyone they suspect of breaking the law; those resisting these amendments face the prospect of a fine upwards of £9,600 or the alternative punishment of a year being detained at Xi Jinping’s pleasure. Resistance does seem rather futile, however, when one realises these new powers also enable officials to seize any items they regard as having ‘seditious intention’, something it’d be quite easy for either a computer or mobile to be regarded as. According to the party line, the amendments to the NSL guarantee that ‘activities endangering national security can be effectively prevented, suppressed and punished, and at the same time the lawful rights of interest and organisations are adequately protected’. Sure, it’s not unusual for law enforcers in other, less repressive, corners of the globe to demand such things as passwords when conducting a criminal investigation, but Hong Kong’s NSL seems to be somewhat flexible where definitions of dissent are concerned; a three-year prison sentence is the reward for providing ‘false or misleading information’, and it would appear any vague sign of dissatisfaction with the status quo could be regarded as subversion, sedition, secession (i.e. breaking away from China) or even terrorism if the authorities have a perceived troublemaker on their hit-list. And a lifetime behind bars is the reward for any of those crimes. It’s no wonder tens of thousands of Hong Kongers have been left with little option but to go into exile since the NSL was introduced.
Anyone with little more than a cursory knowledge of how totalitarian regimes keep track of their citizens won’t be unduly surprised by some of the provisions included in the NSL. For example, the buck stops with Beijing when it comes to how the law is interpreted; should a Hong Kong judicial body disagree with China, Beijing can overrule them. Those who fall under the radar of the NSL are fair game to be put under surveillance and wire-tapped, and even those who are ‘from outside of Hong Kong, who are not permanent residents’ can be subjected to it. In effect, this is the realisation of every fear harboured by Hong Kongers in the wake of the 1997 handover; but it’s not as though it wasn’t envisaged as an eventual outcome of the transference of Hong Kong from Britain to China. It was only a matter of when. Moreover, I would imagine few Brits watching live TV coverage of the handover ceremony in that distant summer of ’97 would ever have imagined some of the Chinese Government’s anticipated tactics in dealing with those citizens who disagreed with them would one day be regarded as a legitimate blueprint for suppressing critics of the old Mother Country’s own government. Remember what happened after Southport?
Fifty years ago, Hong Kong was portrayed in that memorable episode of ‘Hadleigh’ as an archetypal hangover from the colonial era, vividly exhibiting a pattern that was repeated across all the territories that used to be coloured pink on the map – a unique hybrid of the upper-class British trappings some foreigners have romanticised and the indigenous native culture, with both seemingly embracing the other in a mutually beneficial melting pot. That episode works as an advert for Hong Kong’s attractions as effectively as any documentary Alan Whicker could have produced in 1976, though as much as ‘Hadleigh’ represents a piece of Britain that has now gone – a point I did my best to make in the previous post – this one-off excursion full of Eastern promise ironically does exactly the same for Hong Kong too.
© The Editor
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